You are delusional and refuse to see the reality that Trump lost this election a long time back. Massive voter fraud ? Get real. An advanced county like the US can't hold an election ? I suppose your fragile ego can't handle an election loss after claiming for years on here Trump will win in a "landslide".
It is the Democrat election fraud we should be worried about. Judicial Watch atleast, fighting them. https://www.judicialwatch.org/press-releases/jw-electionintegrityprojectcalifornia/
Nobody lost this election until the election is over so people should be wary on both sides claiming victory... This will be so unpredictable because the news cycle is so short and November is a long way away. I am sure during the August/September convention/canvassing people will feel like Corona and george are distant memories.
You said the same thing about 2018 elections https://www.elitetrader.com/et/threads/2018-midterm-trends.309844/
As a follow-up to this... GOP Senators Disappear Trump From 2020 Ads A few months ago, Sen. Thom Tillis (R-NC) hugged Trump tight in his ads. Now, the president is absent and the message runs counter to the White House line. https://www.thedailybeast.com/gop-senators-disappear-trump-from-2020-ads Four months ago, Sen. Thom Tillis put out an ad defending President Donald Trump from impeachment, boasting about the White House’s trade deals, and triumphantly noting that the president would be on the ballot in November. This past week, references to the president were entirely absent from the vulnerable North Carolina Republican’s latest campaign spot. In fact, the ad centered on his state’s economic pain at the precise moment that Trump’s re-election campaign was trying to sell a nascent economic recovery that it dubbed the “Great American Comeback.” Tillis’ change in tone underscores a much larger trend that’s taking place among the Senate’s most vulnerable Republican members. While many are happy to tout Trump in email and social media fundraising appeals, the president has all but disappeared from the ads they’re airing in their home states. The Daily Beast reviewed 15 publicly available ad spots created since March by Republican Senate campaigns in the competitive states of North Carolina, Maine, Colorado, Arizona, and Montana. Fourteen of them made no mention of Trump. The only one that did, an ad from Tillis’ campaign in late April, simply mentioned that he’d been appointed to a White House coronavirus task force. By contrast, Democrats in a number of competitive Senate contests have used their television ad time to attempt to tie Republican incumbents to the president. In Colorado, Sen. Cory Gardner unveiled his first TV ad of the cycle just last month highlighting his work securing coronavirus aid for his state. The 30-second spot didn’t mention Trump. But it did plug Gardner’s collaboration with Jared Polis, Colorado’s Democratic governor. Sen. Susan Collins of Maine has likewise sought to burnish her bipartisan credentials. One recent TV ad from her campaign featured shots of Collins alongside Democratic colleagues including Sen. Tim Kaine of Virginia and Sen. Joe Manchin of West Virginia. But Trump was nowhere to be found in that spot, or any other her campaign has aired over the last couple months. The economic damage wrought by the coronavirus, which the Federal Reserve said on Wednesday it expects to persist, has coincided with a cratering of Trump’s standing in national polling. And Trump’s conspicuous absence from Senate Republican ads tracks internal tactical advice that the National Republican Senatorial Committee relayed to Senate campaigns in April when it told them to avoid publicly defending White House efforts to combat the coronavirus and instead attack China over its complicity in the virus’ early spread. That’s a tactic that a number of vulnerable Senate Republicans have embraced. Sen. Martha McSally’s (R-AZ) first ad of the cycle attacked her opponent, Mark Kelly, over his support for impeachment. Her campaign hasn’t mentioned Trump in any of the five ads uploaded to its YouTube page since late April. Instead, she’s plugged her own work securing coronavirus aid for her state and gone after Kelly over his business ties to China. Michigan Republican John James, who is hoping to unseat Democrat Sen. Gary Peters and has publicly distanced himself from some of Trump’s more outlandish comments, has also seized on the China angle in advertising surrounding the coronavirus. One of his recent ads hit Peters over his lack of attendance at congressional hearings concerning China. It was one of six video ads produced by the James campaign since March on issues including health care, the coronavirus, the police killing of George Floyd last month, and his own personal biography. None of those ads mentioned Donald Trump. The ads from Republican Senate candidates this cycle also underscore the difficult task Republican candidates now face on the economic front, in which they appear to be eschewing much of the happy talk coming from the president. Despite double-digit employment and estimates of serious long-term job loss, Trump has publicly embraced that idea of a sharp V-shaped recovery. And with the recent jobs numbers coming in well higher than expected—with 2.5 million people gaining employment in May—he’s become even more of a Pollyanna, declaring the country was “well ahead of schedule” when it comes to recovery. For longtime Trump observers, the posture is on brand for a president who relentlessly touts how great a job he’s doing and lets the facts catch up eventually, if at all. But for political veterans, there’s real risk involved. (More at above url)
The majority of Biden’s polling lead is from increased support from white voters. He is outperforming Clinton by 7 points with this cohort. What’s important to understand about this is this makes Biden’s path more likely to be through the rust belt than the sun belt. Also, this shows Trump’s base is eroding but it is also the cohort with which Trump can close the gap most easily. Also, notice Trump has increased support from Hispanic voters.
One week ago President Donald Trump met with advisers from his 2020 re-election campaign, who greeted him with bad news. The campaign's internal poll numbers showed the president down in swing states, and down with key demographics of voters including women and independents. The messaging from the White House on the coronavirus pandemic and the growing anger about the brutal killing of George Floyd in Minneapolis was fueling a drop in his numbers. Top aides warned that former Vice President Joe Biden, now the presumptive Democratic nominee, was positioned to defeat the president by a significant number of electoral votes based on the campaign's analysis, according to multiple sources familiar with the meeting. While some of the president’s advisers insisted the current campaign internal poll numbers aren’t relevant in gauging Trump’s re-election chances this far from November, others among his most loyal and longest serving advisers have developed a new posture: one of increasing alarm. They fear that without a course correction -- and quickly -- Donald Trump could lose the 2020 presidential election. This account of the president and his advisers' struggle to respond to the ongoing crises and the political fallout is based on conversations with 17 sources including White House officials, campaign advisers and sources close to the president. In the wake of the murder of George Floyd on May 25, some White House officials have been lobbying the president to give a formal address to the nation from the Oval Office to show he was taking the death and the growing protests around the country seriously. White House Chief of Staff Mark Meadows was in favor of the idea. Meadows believed it was a moment for the president to deliver a message of unity, according to sources familiar with his thinking. Others, like the president’s son-in-law and senior adviser Jared Kushner, were against such an address, arguing it could do more harm than good, according to four sources. A source close to Kushner disputed that categorization, saying instead the goal has been to announce a policy initiative that will have an impact. The president has also been encouraged to participate in listening sessions with African American leaders, as he has hosted previously at the White House. But that idea was rejected by the commander-in-chief, according to sources. A person who has attended similar events as a guest of the president previously told ABC News they heard from a White House official to "be on standby" for an event with the president, but then nothing ever materialized. Trump is "not capable of showing empathy here," said the source, who is still a loyal supporter of the president. Vice President Mike Pence, on the other hand, has participated in a number of listening sessions on the issue. Meanwhile, earlier this week Trump held a roundtable with some law enforcement officials, but even then some sources in the White House took issue with the meeting because the number of White House staff seated around the table outnumbered the outside attendees. The White House is preparing to announce a number of proposals later this week related to race and policing, but the rollout has yet to be determined. Many top advisers concede that these proposals are often overshadowed by controversial statements coming from the president’s Twitter account. Days in the West Wing are so often dictated by what he tweets and impact whatever the goal for the day was initially set out to be. One such incident occurred on Tuesday when the president tweeted to his over 80 million followers promoting a conspiracy theory where he made unfounded allegations against a 75-year-old protester, Martin Gugino, who was pushed to the ground by police in Buffalo, N.Y. last week and was seen bleeding from the head, motionless. At the time of the tweet Gugino was still in the hospital, and the two police officers involved in the incident have been charged with assault. The president was citing a bizarre report by fringe right-wing television network One American News, or OANN. White House Press Secretary Kayleigh McEnany defended the tweet, saying the president was raising some "legitimate" questions. An attorney for Gugino called the president's accusations "dark, dangerous and untrue." Multiple aides said they have now even opted to turn off notifications for "@realDonaldTrump,” the president's personal Twitter account. "What's the point?” one adviser told ABC News. Meadows, who was on Capitol Hill Tuesday for meetings, refused to defend or comment on the tweet when asked multiple times by reporters. However, two other outside advisers to the president instead said it wasn’t the president’s rhetoric that was problematic -- adding that’s in part how he won in 2016 -- but rather they took aim at Trump campaign manager Brad Parscale's running of the campaign, while noting that daily campaign decisions must be run by Kushner first. MORE: Trump says admin 'will not even consider' renaming bases named after Confederate leaders, after Army signals openness Those who represent the president in media have struggled for guidance on messaging directives from the campaign. In the wake of Floyd's death and the growing calls for police reform, some advisers have been pushing the campaign for a defined message on some Democrats pushing a Defund the Police movement, believing it could help the president gain back some lost ground from the past few weeks. Erin Perrine, a spokesperson for the Trump campaign, told ABC News that the campaign's data "shows that in key states we track, the President is strong against a defined Joe Biden." In response to a request for comment for this report, White House Deputy Press Secretary Judd Deere said the president has "accomplished more at this point in his first term than any President in history," including in the White House's estimation saving "millions of lives" with the pandemic response and "restor[ing] law and order to our streets." But a growing chorus of Republican advisers outside and inside the White House also believe Kushner is alienating the president's voter base because he is too moderate a force. Fox News host Tucker Carlson said last week that "no one has more contempt" for Trump's voters than Kushner, taking him to task over his support of a program to "let more criminals out of prison and back onto the street." Carlson was talking about the First Step Act, a largely bipartisan criminal justice reform bill that sought to reverse some of the excesses of the drug war, mostly by granting relief to longtime convicts with nonviolent drug offenses. White House sources and outside advisers have echoed that sentiment. One White House source told ABC News Kushner "assumes our base is going to go along with anything we say" and accused him of intentionally driving the president in the wrong direction. A source close to Kushner pushed back, saying, "This is consistent -- people are constantly trying to cause separation between Jared and the president but they've been unsuccessful because the president knows Jared’s track record of success and his ability to stop bad actors from gaining influence. “That obviously creates a desire to have him [Kushner] removed but his relationship with the president is as close as it’s ever been," the source said. Trump also has felt stuck in the White House, and advisers claim he’s antsy to get back on stage and speak to the large crowds who gather for his political rallies. The coronavirus pandemic halted campaign travel for nearly three months, and his campaign was forced to hold events virtually. Trump is slated to return to the campaign trail next week, and the campaign has already sparked controversy for choosing to host the first rally since the coronavirus pandemic in Tulsa, Oklahoma -- the site of the Tulsa Race Massacre in 1921 -- and on Juneteenth, an annual holiday commemorating the end of slavery. The president has been tweeting there is a "big demand" for such events. Campaign officials are banking on the massive protests in recent weeks dampening criticism over holding large events in person, according to multiple sources. MORE: Trump campaign plans to resume rallies in next 2 weeks Multiple sources in the White House and on the campaign are hopeful giving the president the platform again of massive crowds will provide him with an opportunity to air his grievances and move on, rather than harping on issues that have been unhelpful to his re-election efforts. The president, who is known to call multiple advisers and friends outside the White House in addition to speaking to White House and campaign aides daily, is also listening to the advice of most everyone who gets in his ear, sources said. But that includes advisers who some aides view as problematic. Several sources particularly pointed to Jenna Ellis, the president’s campaign legal adviser who's repeatedly sparked controversy over comments she's made on social media, including last month specifically attacking female White House reporters of color on Twitter for asking what she called “stupid questions” at press briefings. Ellis also mocked Dr. Anthony Fauci, a leading member of the White House coronavirus task force, tweeting that she trusted "the local weather forecast" more than the nation's leading infectious disease expert. Ellis has been “in [Trump’s] ear a lot lately,” one source said, calling her a “bad influence” who is giving the president poor legal advice. When reached by ABC News, Ellis declined to comment on what counsel she provides the president beyond saying her conversations with him are privileged. “Any legal advice that I give [President Trump] or those conversations are legally privileged,” Ellis said. When asked whether she consults with the White House counsel’s office on legal matters, Ellis refused to say. “Legally he is the client so is the holder of the privilege, not me,” she said. One top adviser told ABC News the president seeking advice through various channels is a good thing. "He's not yelling, he's not hanging up, there have been long talks with him which means he is processing everything," the adviser said.
AUSTIN — Texas Republicans are on edge as polls show President Trump and presumptive Democratic nominee Joe Biden running neck and neck in the Lone Star State with less than five months to go before Election Day. Most GOP operatives in the state still view Trump as the odds-on favorite to carry Texas and its 38 Electoral College votes in November. But they’re increasingly open to the outside possibility that Texas could go blue in the presidential race for the first time since 1976. The president’s margins in Texas will matter, and Republicans fear that a close race at the top of the ticket might wipe them out in down ballot races. Five House Republicans from the Texas delegation are retiring at the end of the year and the nonpartisan Cook Political Report rates three of those as either toss-ups or leaning Democratic. Sen. John Cornyn (R-Texas) is also up for reelection and will likely face the toughest fight of his career in 2020. Biden’s campaign says it intends to compete in Texas, where the state Democratic Party has become one of the largest in the nation. Texas’s fast-changing demographics have hastened its move from solidly red state to purple battleground. “It is a very serious moment for Republicans in Texas,” said Bill Miller, a veteran Republican campaign operative in Austin. “Any Republican that doesn’t take the moment seriously will be surprised in a very bad way in November. They have to be alert and engaged or they’ll find themselves in trouble with a capital T.” A Quinnipiac University survey released last week found Trump leading Biden by 1 point in Texas. Trump leads by 2.2 points in the RealClearPolitics average. Texas Republicans are primarily worried about their standing in the suburbs, where women and independents have steadily gravitated away from the GOP since Trump took office. Republican support has eroded in the areas surrounding Houston, Dallas, Austin and San Antonio, four of the nation’s largest and fastest growing metro areas. Democrats defeated longtime GOP incumbents in Houston and Dallas in 2018. Republicans say Trump has so far missed an opportunity to appeal to suburban voters in Texas during this time of historic civil unrest around the police killing of George Floyd. “The suburbs are a concern because any time your stronghold is showing weakness, it needs to be shored up,” said Corbin Casteel, a veteran GOP operative based in Austin. “The president would help to show compassion in times like this. Texas Republicans are largely Christians, they love Jesus and live their lives in that way and it’s disappointing to see the leader of our party do such a great job on the economy and jobs and in appointing conservative justices, but to miss these opportunities to lead with that kind of compassion. If he had been leading in that way throughout this racial crisis, I think his numbers would be through the roof. It doesn’t mean he’ll lose Texas, I definitely don’t think he will. But it’s a missed opportunity to shore up a stronghold.” Casteel, who led the Trump campaign’s operations in Texas for several months in 2016, said he expects Trump to win the state by about 6 points in 2020, which would be the closest contest in modern times. Trump’s 9-point victory in Texas in 2016 was the closest presidential outcome since former President Jimmy Carter (D) carried the state more than 40 years ago. A Democrat has not won statewide in Texas since 1994, the longest streak in the nation. Casteel warned that a smaller-than-expected victory for Trump could mean “devastation” for the GOP at the state level and in districts for state legislative seats. Still, Casteel said that the GOP’s standing in the state may be underestimated amid the national focus on whether Texas is at a tipping point. Republicans are excited about some of their House recruitment victories, including Genevieve Collins, the Dallas businesswoman who is taking on freshman Rep. Colin Allred (D-Texas) in Dallas. Casteel expects Republicans to rally around Trump as the campaign heats up and Biden is forced into the spotlight. “Texans really like Trump’s economic policies and they love his judicial appointments,” Casteel said. “When it comes down to walking into the voting booth and pulling the lever, I think it will be an easy decision.” Brendan Steinhauser, an Austin-based GOP strategist, put the odds of Texas going blue in the presidential race at 33 percent. He said he expects Cornyn to win reelection and to potentially outpace Trump by about 5 points. Cornyn will find out who his Democratic challenger is next month, when former Air Force pilot MJ Hegar and state Sen. Royce West square off in a runoff election. Biden’s likeliest path to victory in Texas, Steinhauser said, would be for frustrated Republicans to stay home or to show up at the polls and leave the presidential line blank, while checking the mark for Cornyn and other GOP candidates down the ballot. “I do think the state is in play and it’s going to be decided by a narrow margin,” Steinhauser said. “That said, I think Trump will win. Republicans are taking this election very seriously. We know it’s competitive. [Former Democratic Rep.] Beto O’Rourke won a lot of suburban white women in the 2018 Senate race and if Democrats hold on to those voters, it will be very close. But Republicans still outnumber Democrats in Texas, and if they turn out to vote for Trump, we should be OK.” In the 2018 midterms, O’Rourke fell short to Sen. Ted Cruz (R-Texas) by 2.5 points. But O’Rourke turned out more voters in Texas than Democratic presidential nominee Hillary Clinton did in 2016. Also in 2018, Democrats picked up two GOP-held House seats in Texas. Six other GOP House members in Texas won reelection by 5 points or fewer. The Democratic Congressional Campaign Committee has opened headquarters in Texas, making it the only state nationwide where the House campaign arm has a full team on the ground. Democrats also picked up 12 state House seats and two state Senate seats in 2018. Republicans are down to a nine-seat advantage in the state House. Democrats say 22 state House seats are polling in single-digit territory and are up for grabs. Texas has added more than 2.5 million people to its voter rolls since 2016. The state does not register voters by party, but many of the new voters are believed to be young people, Latinos, or newcomers from blue states, such as California, Illinois and New York. “This was the state that helped create George W. Bush’s compassionate conservatism, the Tea Party and the Trump movement, and now all of that could change on a dime to become a new Democratic movement,” said Manny Garcia, executive director of the Texas Democratic Party. “Republicans got lazy and completely missed the wake-up call about the direction things have been headed here. The population growth has made Texas competitive at every level.”