On August 20, Chris Hayes presented two starkly illuminating segments on Ferguson, Missouri [transcript]. “There are at least two Fergusons,” he told viewers in the first segment [video]—one was the Ferguson they had seen on TV for nearly two weeks, but there was also “another Ferguson” with “stately homes and wrap-around porches and large lawns,” many of whose residents were “getting organized today to turn the city’s image around,” Hayes explained. “I went to a local coffee shop, where the newly created Friends of the City of Ferguson set up shop with yard signs and T-shirts, and I spoke with Mayor James Knowles.” During that conversation, Knowles reiterated his view that there was no racial divide in Ferguson. “There are definitely things that make us different,” he admitted, but the people of Ferguson shared common values, and embraced diversity—as opposed to those who had left. “We have been able to successfully—especially over the past couple decades, really live, work and play together and grow together and so—whereas people have left here,” Knowles said. When Hayes pointed out that “a lot of people here” didn’t feel like the status quo was working for them, Knowles responded in two ways—first by warning that “You have to be careful who you talk to out there,” people who don’t necessarily live in Ferguson, and then by acknowledging that there was a problem with some in Ferguson—but it was a disconnect with people in subsidized housing, people who “do not stay very long.” The problem? “They never really set down roots.” It wasn’t racial at all. In the second segment [video] Hayes spoke with John Wright, a local black educator, currently on the advisory board of Webster University. Hayes told Wright of the initial gathering of the predominantly white Friends of the City of Ferguson, who had no idea of the anger and frustration that people felt with the police. “What do you make of that?” he asked, to which Wright replied by pointing to an appalling lack of historical awareness: I think you have most of the people do not know the history of the community. And, you have to remember this once was a sundown town. And, you have many individuals who moved in the community, remember that. And, so you have wounds that have never been allowed to heal because you have a police department who keeps arresting, harassing those there, and it keeps those wounds alive. So, if they never heal, those things are shared from generation to generation. With Knowles referring to the people who chose to stay in Ferguson on the one hand, and John Wright referring to Ferguson’s heritage as a sundown town on the other, I was vividly reminded of the term “racialized pools of knowledge,” which UC Berkeley law professor Russell Robinson used to describe an important aspect of what he called “perceptual segregation,” in a 2008 law review article of the same name. “This Article argues that outsiders and insiders tend to perceive allegations of discrimination through fundamentally different psychological frameworks,” the article’s abstract explained. It continued: These previously unrecognized differences have profound legal consequences. A workplace may be spatially integrated and yet employees who work side by side may perceive an allegation of discrimination through very different lenses because of their disparate racial and gender identities…. Studies show that blacks and whites are likely to differ substantially in how they conceive of and define discrimination. White people tend to believe that widespread expressions of a commitment to racial equality and the reduction in overt expressions of racist attitudes reflect reductions in racism, whereas black people tend to believe that racist attitudes and behaviors have simply become more difficult to detect. While many whites expect evidence of discrimination to be explicit, and assume that people are colorblind when such evidence is lacking, many blacks perceive bias to be prevalent and primarily implicit. It’s important to note that Robinson’s account describes everyone involved as generally meeting the legal standard of acting like a reasonable person, given their personal histories and experience: “oth the outsider [blacks and women] and insider [whites and men] may be reasonable and yet differ substantially as to the likelihood that discrimination occurred; neither can be wholly blamed for the disparity because of irrational perceptions.” Robinson’s article focused specifically on workplace discrimination, drawing on several large-scale studies, including a Rutgers University workplace study of about 3,000 employees. It’s clear that racial discrimination persists as a much common problem than most whites realize. Regarding the Rutgers study, Robinson noted, “Half of the African-American respondents said that ‘African-Americans are treated unfairly in the workplace,’ while just 10% of white respondents agreed with that statement.” What’s more, reporting discrimination is no guarantee that it will be redressed, Robinson also reported, “the employee making the charge of discrimination was more likely to be transferred or fired as a result of the complaint (5% of the time) than the alleged perpetrator (2%).” Hence, blacks “reasonably” choose to under-report the discrimination they experience, and whites “reasonably” conclude that discrimination is much rarer than it actually is. This is but one manifestation of a broader process: In general, black and white people obtain information through different informational networks, which results in racialized pools of knowledge. These racialized pools are evident at many levels, including the family, media sources, and the workplace. Stories of perceived discrimination are often told in all-black settings, sometimes as a means of group therapy, sometimes as a means of entertainment, and sometimes as a little bit of both. Discussing experiences with perceived discrimination in a “safe space” may serve as a means of recovery, healing and interpersonal bonding. All-black settings may allow black people a much-needed opportunity to vent the pent-up anger and frustration regarding race that they feel they must stifle in white-dominated settings. While Robinson’s paper was focused on the workplace, the back-to-back segments Chris Hayes did made it obvious that perceptual segregation and racialized pools of knowledge played a significant role in what was happening in Ferguson—including the way that Ferguson’s establishment was taken by surprise, and seemed incapable of grasping that there really was a racial problem in their community. The same could obviously be said of polling data [Pew, Huffington Post, Gallup] showing a substantial racial divide in attitudes and perceptions in the wake of Ferguson. more . . . PAUL ROSENBERG
Has anyone else noticed a certain salsa flavor of Lucrum's recent posts, regarding their authorship? It's well known that many Hispanics- and especially Mexicans despise blacks. There is also a fairly high rate of Hispanic airline pilots these days, when compared with other minorities. I wonder, what are the odds that Luc's house smells like fried tomales?
Lucrum has posted several pictures of himself, his wife, etc in the past. If he is Mexican, then I am from Saturn.
Oh that's right- there's no way anyone could take pictures from someone's facebook and post them in here, is there?
You're obviously talking out of your ass again and know absolutely nothing about Lucrum. I have an idea, let's make a bet, shall we? $500. Or if that is too rich for you, you name the amount. I'll link to a picture Lucrum posted of himself, and we'll prove that it's him.
You could also contact the Chattanooga PD, they might still have my mug shot. Edit: According to a DNA test, 93% of my DNA originated in The British Isles
Be quiet, Lucrum. Don't spoil my chance at free money! Hoofy, still waiting for your reply, my friend. We up for a bet?
Mob Rule Economics By Thomas Sowell - September 9, 2014 Read more: http://www.realclearpolitics.com/articles/2014/09/09/mob_rule_economics_123902.html#ixzz3Cx88VVWM