I don't think anyone says we should negotiate with ISIS and make a settlement. Everyone is in agreement they need to be killed. The debate is who should kill them. There is no moral issue here. With this common goal, Obama should be able build a International coalition to kill ISIS. But Obama has no experience in building coalitions.
from victor david hanson: "Do we remember that Bill Clinton signed into law the Iraq Liberation Act of 1998 that supported regime change in Iraq? He gave an eloquent speech on the dangers of Saddam Hussein's weapons of mass destruction. In 2002, both houses of Congress voted overwhelmingly to pass a resolution authorizing the removal of Saddam Hussein by force. Senators such as Joe Biden, Hillary Clinton, John Kerry and Harry Reid offered moving arguments on the Senate floor as to why we should depose Saddam in a post-9/11 climate. Democratic stalwarts such as Sen. Jay Rockefeller and Rep. Nancy Pelosi lectured us about the dangers of Saddam's stockpiles of weapons of mass destruction. They drew on the same classified domestic and foreign intelligence reports that had led Bush to call for Saddam's forcible removal."
Barack Carter Obama is leaving America weaker on the world stage than Carter did Itâs now official: On foreign policy, Barack Obama is worse than Jimmy Carter. For decades, Carterâs presidency was synonymous with weakness on the world stage. The late 1970âs was the era of double-digit inflation, a worldwide oil crisis, Iranian hostages and Soviet military advances from Latin America to Afghanistan. So pathetic was Americaâs predicament at the time that the late Massachusetts Sen. Ted Kennedy mounted a primary challenge to Carter from the left. Obamaâs rise to power mirrored his Democratic predecessorâs in many ways. Both men came to office in the wake of widespread public disenchantment with the political establishment, and promoted themselves as outsiders and breaths of fresh air. Both men spoke of surmounting what they portrayed as Americansâ exaggerated anxieties about the dangers hyped by fear-mongering conservatives. For Carter, in a 1977 commencement speech, it was âour inordinate fear of communismâ that Americans needed to overcome. For Obama, in his 2009 Cairo address, it was the âfearâ and âmistrustâ that had grown between the West and Muslim world in the wake of the 9/11 terrorist attacks. Both men came into office emphasizing the promotion of human rights as a crucial dimension of American foreign policy. And both men gave the impression that their good intentions would be enough to accomplish these Herculean tasks. Unfortunately, as is often the case, the reality of the world came crashing down. It is barely remembered today, but, for all the derision heaped upon Carter as a weak and feckless President, he eventually responded to foreign aggression in tough and concrete ways. In November 1979, Iranian revolutionaries â fresh after having overthrown the American-allied Shah â seized the U.S. embassy in Tehran, taking 52 American diplomats hostage. In December, the Soviet Union invaded Afghanistan. Gone was the President Carter who had scolded Americans for their âfearâ of the communist behemoth. By January, Carter announced a series of proposals directed at weakening Americaâs adversaries. First was a 5% increase in defense spending, a move that angered many of his Democratic allies in Congress who had taken to slashing the defense budget in the wake of the Vietnam War. In his State of the Union address, Carter announced what would later come to be known as the Carter Doctrine: that the United States would use military force to protect its vital interests in the Persian Gulf. Next came an embargo on grain and agricultural technology to the Soviet Union. Carter also declared that the United States would boycott the 1980 Moscow summer Olympics unless the Soviets withdrew their troops from Afghanistan. When they did not, he began covert funding of Afghan rebel fighters. The correlations between the world situation in the twilight of the Carter administration and in the second Obama term are hard to ignore. Once again, Russia has invaded a neighbor. Only this time, that neighbor is on the European continent, and Moscow went so far as to annex â not merely attack â its territory. And once again the Middle East is in flames, with the prospect of another Islamist movement taking control over a state, this time in Iraq. But rather than respond to the collapsing world order by supporting our allies and undermining our adversaries, the Obama administration dithers. It is an indication of just how worrisome the situation is that many in Washington are pining for the resolve and fortitude of Jimmy Carter. For months, the beleaguered Ukrainians have requested the most basic of military aid. The administration sends Meals Ready to Eat. Even hard-hitting, âsectoralâ sanctions aimed at the Russian economy are viewed as too provocative. Last year, Obama declared a âred lineâ on Syrian dictator Bashar Assadâs use of chemical weapons against his own people. Assadâs deployment of such weapons, the world was told, would constitute the sort of breach of international law and norms requiring an American response. When Assad did use such weapons, Washington allowed itself to be coopted into a farcical deal â proposed by that most altruistic of world leaders, Russian President Vladimir Putin â that saw the purported removal of Assadâs chemical arsenal. The message from Washington to Assad: You can continue murdering your people en masse and destabilizing the entire Middle East, but just do so using conventional weapons. But even that solution was full of holes. Days ago, the Organization for the Prohibition of Chemical Weapons announced that evidence it has gathered from the field âlends credence to the view that toxic chemicals, most likely pulmonary irritating agents such as chlorine, have been usedâ against civilians. Two senior administration officials working on Syria, special advisor for transition Fred Hof and Ambassador to Syria Robert Ford, resigned their posts rather than continue participating in this charade. Few take America, least of all Secretary of State John Kerry, at its word anymore. Earlier this week, Kerry demanded that Russia urge separatists in Ukraine to disarm âwithin the next hours, literally.â Or what? This empty threat followed months of similar reprimands from Washington. Two days earlier, Kerry was in Cairo meeting with Abdel Fatah al-Sisi, Egyptâs military dictator. The United States had just released millions of dollars in military aid to Egypt, aid that had been frozen after al-Sisi launched a coup to topple the countryâs democratically elected Muslim Brotherhood president last year. âWe also discussed the essential role of a vibrant civil society, free press, rule of law and due process in a democracy,â Kerry told the New York Times. Hours after Kerryâs plane took off, an Egyptian court demonstrated the countryâs commitment to âfree press, rule of law and due processâ by sentencing three Al Jazeera journalists to long prison sentences. So convinced was he that American presence, rather than absence, causes problems, Obama hastily exited Iraq in 2011 rather than try to negotiate an agreement that would have left a stabilizing American military force in the country. Obama and his surrogates endlessly complain about the âdisasterâ they inherited from the Bush administration there, but the country was largely pacified by the time Obama entered the White House. Today, due largely to American absenteeism in the region, Islamist militants that make Al Qaeda look like a Rotary Club control a large chunk of the country. Obamaâs hands-off approach seems to be aimed at appeasing a domestic constituency that sees diplomacy, no matter how toothless, as the best way to maintain peace. A recent poll conducted by the Pew Research Project finds that an overwhelming 91% of âsolid liberalsâ believe that âgood diplomacyâ is the best way âto ensure peaceâ while only 5% see âmilitary strengthâ as having that effect. But even âgood diplomacyâ is too much to expect from this administration. Over the past six years, no issue received more diplomatic attention from Obama, as well as Kerry and his predecessor Hillary Clinton, than the Israeli-Palestinian conflict. Despite countless trips to the region from high-ranking American officials, the parties are further apart today then they were when Obama swore the oath of office. Along with Israeli-Palestinian peace, global nuclear disarmament was the other grand Obama diplomatic project. This was always woolly-headed - but this goal, no matter how well-intentioned, was dealt a devastating blow with Russiaâs invasion and annexation of the Crimean Peninsula. In 1994, Ukraine signed (with the U.S., Great Britain and Russia), the Budapest Memorandum, which stipulated that, in exchange for delivering its then-considerable nuclear weapons stockpile to Moscow, Kievâs territorial integrity would be assured. Now that Russia has blatantly violated the terms of that document, how can Obama convince a nuclear weapons-aspirant state like Iran that it does not need such an arsenal to ensure its own survival? The administration and its supporters are banking upon hopes that Americans will remember their distaste for the foreign policy of George W. Bush as some sort of salve against its own, present-day failures. The other day, former President Bill Clinton lashed out at the Bush administration, telling NBC News that âwhat happened in Syria wouldnât have happened in Iraqâ had the U.S. not invaded in 2003. Given the sectarian fissures opening up across the region thanks in large part to the Obama administrationâs allowing the Syrian morass to fester for so long, confidently predicting that the tremors would have left Iraq untouched were Saddam Hussein still in power is a wild claim. And keep in mind that this was the same President Clinton who himself bombed Iraq, signed the 1998 Iraq Liberation Act committing the United States to Husseinâs overthrow, and who vocally supported âBushâs warâ â along with the vast majority of his Democratic colleagues. Global instability is on the rise and faith in Americaâs stabilizing presence is on the decline, and all we have from Washington are empty, millennial-friendly buzz phrases. âLeading from behindâ was how one, too-clever-by-half administration official termed Obamaâs global strategy. Hitting âsinglesâ and âdoublesâ is Obamaâs own, jocular assessment of his foreign policy. And now, âDonât do stupid s---â is the mantra being repeated throughout the halls of the White House and State Department. âDonât do anything at allâ seems more apt a description of this administrationâs approach.
Al-Qaida Splinter Declares New Islamic Caliphate http://abcnews.go.com/International/wireStory/iraq-forces-claw-back-city-insurgents-24353074 Good job Mr. President.