Bloomberg alone has promised 500 million to help the democrat nominee.Obama and Hillary both raised over a billion and outraised Mccain ,Romey and Trump. With Bloombergs money the democrat nominee might raise over 2 billion.
Yes.... it is shaping up to be an expensive election. And once again --- just like in 2016 -- it is the Democrats' election to lose. If the Democrats follow their missteps on 2016 such as focusing on identity politics and putting forward a completed flawed candidate then the 2020 results will be the same as 2016.
A wall,jobs program,free medical vouchers etc.You really are expecting a lot from Trump these next 2 years lol!!!
Democrats lost 2016 due to low voter turnout with the biggest drop being black voters.Wont be a problem in 2020 ://thehill.com/homenews/campaign/332970-voter-turnout-dipped-in-2016-led-by-decline-among-blacks Voter turnout dipped in 2016, led by decline among blacks By Reid Wilson - 05/11/17 02:05 PM EDT The percentage of eligible Americans who showed up to the polls in November dipped slightly to the lowest rate in sixteen years, led by a sharp drop-off in the number of black voters casting ballots. New data released Wednesday by the Census Bureau shows an estimated 61.4 percent of Americans over the age of 18 cast ballots, down from the 61.8 percent who voted in 2012 and well below the 63.8 percent who voted in 2004, the recent high-point of voter participation. White voters were most likely to turn out; 65.3 percent of whites told Census Bureau surveyors they voted in 2016, more than a full percentage point higher than their participation rate in 2012. But voter turnout among black voters fell almost seven percentage points, to 59.4 percent, the Census figures show — after hitting an all-time high of 66.2 percent in 2012. Fewer than half of Asian Americans and Hispanic Americans turned out to vote; 49 percent of Asians and 47.6 percent of those of Hispanic origin showed up to the polls last year. Demographers point to declining black turnout and relatively low Hispanic turnout — two voting blocs on whom Democrats are increasingly reliant — as two of a handful of reasons Democratic presidential nominee Hillary Clinton fell short in a handful of key battleground states last year. Black turnout fell 2 points and Hispanic turnout tumbled by a whopping 34 points in Michigan, a state President Trump won by just over 10,000 votes after Clinton fell short of matching President Obama's vote totals in Detroit. In Wisconsin, another state Trump barely won, fewer than half of black voters cast a ballot; four years ago, when Obama carried the state, 78 percent of blacks voted. Turnout among black voters fell seven points in Florida, and turnout among Hispanic voters there, who make up critical voting blocs stretching from Miami-Dade County to Orlando, fell eight points. That ended a streak of four consecutive elections in which black and Hispanic voters showed up in increasing numbers. At the same time, white voters, who disproportionally backed Trump, turned out at a slightly higher rate in Florida than they had in 2012. "These numbers point up a fairly pervasive decline in black turnout along with modest though uneven gains for whites," said William Frey, a demographer at the Brookings Institute. The declining turnout and Republicans' success in winning over more white voters "helped to explain shifts to Trump in several swing states." November's contests were decided by an electorate that looked whiter than what many demographers had expected. Between 1980 and 2012, the share of the electorate made up of non-Hispanic whites dropped from 87.6 percent to 73.7 percent; in 2016, demographers expected that number to drop again, as the diverse millennial generation takes on a larger role in the body politic, replacing older generations that were less racially diverse. But the Census Bureau data shows that 73.3 percent of the electorate in 2016 was made up of non-Hispanic whites, a statistically insignificant drop from four years before. The unexpected stasis, even as the country becomes more racially diverse, is explained by the drop in minority turnout. That made 2016 only the second election since 1980 that the share of the electorate made up of non-Hispanic whites did not decline by a significant margin. The decline in black participation is all the more stark after 2012, when for the first time the Census Bureau said blacks voted at a higher share than non-Hispanic whites. Still, the percentage of blacks who voted in 2016 was six points higher than the recent nadir, in 1996, when only 53 percent of blacks cast a ballot. The data offers both hope and warning signs to Democrats plotting their political comeback, and Republicans trying to hold on to their victories. On one hand, the data shows Democrats can chart a path back to political power by boosting turnout even at the margins among Hispanic and black voters. The party does not need to replicate Obama's 2008 and 2012 turnout machines; it simply needs to come close in large urban centers in key states like Michigan, Wisconsin, Pennsylvania, North Carolina and Florida. On the other, it shows the demographic shift that threatens to doom Republicans — who are more reliant than ever on white voters — is manifesting itself more slowly in the electorate than in the population as a whole. That fact gives Republicans time to build new inroads to minority communities, where the party has struggled to attract support. Younger voters grew as a share of the electorate, both as more millennials reach voting age and as they become turnout targets for both parties. Michael McDonald, a political scientist at the University of Florida, said turnout among voters between 18 and 29 years of age grew by 2.5 percentage points, the largest increase of any age group. But older voters are still much more likely to cast a ballot: More than 70 percent of those over the age of 65 voted in November, far higher than the 43.4 percent of 18-29 year olds who voted. Two-thirds of those between the ages of 45 and 64 voted, according to Frey's analysis. The Census Bureau's data relies on a survey the agency conducts to supplement the much larger Current Population Survey. Other surveys have concluded that a smaller number of eligible voters actually cast ballots: One study for the group Nonprofit Vote, in which McDonald took part, found 60.2 percent of the nation's 231 million eligible voters cast a ballot in November. That figure was higher than the percentage of eligible voters who turned out in presidential elections between 1972 and 2000, though it fell below the recent pinnacle achieved in 2008
Let's be clear: Both sides are focusing on identity politics. Trump on white males and Democrats on minorities and women.
Mueller Just Gave Democrats a Gift. Will They Take It? Scandal and impeachment were always political losers. Now the 2020 election can be about which party will improve the lives of more Americans. https://www.politico.com/magazine/story/2019/03/25/mueller-report-democrats-226168 The Democrats are showing no signs that they’re going to give up on Robert Mueller and the Russia investigation. Speaker Nancy Pelosi and Senate Minority Leader Chuck Schumer are demanding the public release of the full Mueller report and raising questions about whether there is evidence President Donald Trump committed obstruction of justice. House Judiciary Chair Jerry Nadler announced he would be calling the Attorney General William Barr to testify. Democratic and progressive legal analysts are picking apart Barr’s letter to suggest a cover-up. Others are shifting their hopes to the remaining outstanding investigations into the Trump campaign, Trump Organization and Trump inaugural committee. In the interest of historical posterity and legal accountability, these may be legitimate threads to pull. But as a political matter, Democrats, you’re doing it wrong again. It’s time to move on. Robert Mueller has done you an enormous favor. Trump is not going to be impeached. Trump is not going be hounded out of office early. Trump is not going to be branded a criminal in the court of the public opinion. The hope of short-circuiting the Trump presidency through legal channels is no more. For the special counsel to have avoided any collusion-related charges is a clear victory for Trump. The coming victory laps are sure to be insufferable for Democrats to watch, but Democrats need to get over it. By not alleging any illegal collusion, Mueller has liberated Democrats from chasing the impeachment unicorn, which was always a political loser and a substantive dead end. If the Democratic House ever impeached, the Republican Senate was never going to convict, and may not have even held a trial. Impeachment had appeal only to the Democratic base, while doing little for the voters in swing areas who just delivered Democrats the House majority and hold the key to retaking the White House. Again and again, during the decades since Watergate, opposition parties have tried and failed to exploit scandals for electoral gain. In the wake of various allegations of ethical misconduct in the Ronald Reagan administration, Walter Mondale campaigned in 1984 against the “sleaze factor,” yet Reagan won in a landslide. After the Iran-Contra scandal exploded, Michael Dukakis said, “a fish rots from the head first,” but that didn’t thwart George H. W. Bush’s ascension to the presidency. In 1998, House Republicans moved toward the impeachment of President Bill Clinton shortly before the midterm elections; the resulting backlash helped Democrats gain House seats and contributed to the ouster of Republican Speaker Newt Gingrich. During the first term of Barack Obama’s presidency, Republicans sounded the alarm over “Solyndra” and “Fast and Furious,” only to see Obama win re-election. In all of those cases, regardless of the severity and accuracy of the charges, voters proved less interested in presidential scandals than presidential job performance, especially on the economy. Conversely, when the opposing party parades its investigative zeal, it can look more interested in scoring political points than governing. Opposition parties often gravitate toward a focus on scandal because the incumbent president’s popularity leaves them with few other options to flip the political script. With Donald Trump, this is not the case. His job approval has been underwater from the beginning of his presidency, and has remained so despite the growing economy. Democrats successfully ran against Trump’s health care and tax policies in 2018. Trump’s fondness for dictators, and white nationalists’ fondness for Trump, continues to disturb. Trump’s trade war is unnerving farm states. Democrats have plenty to say about Trump’s white whale of a border wall and his horrific policy of refugee child separation, and they are eager to challenge Trump on climate change. This is a target-rich issues environment for Democrats. They don’t need an indictment or an impeachment to make their case against Trump. Granted, because there are unanswered questions, House Democrats can’t move on abruptly without disappointing the party base. To fail to demand the full Mueller report and press Barr on his letter would open the Democratic leadership to charges of delinquent oversight. Nevertheless, this is the main question Democrats should be routinely asking between now and Election Day: How is Trump governing? As soon as possible, House Democrats should take the conclusion of the Mueller investigation as an opportunity to focus its oversight duties on the present. So long as the economy is growing, Trump will be trying to take credit. A good economy is often all an incumbent president needs for re-election. However, Trump isn’t your typical incumbent. He wasn’t able to reap the benefits of economic growth in 2018, because Democrats successfully zeroed in on Trump policies, especially on taxes and health care, that ran counter to the desires of most working families. Today, Trump barely has a legislative agenda. In turn, Democrats have the opportunity to further the narrative that Trump is a threat to sustainable economic growth, middle-class prosperity and global stability. It won’t matter if Mueller had evidence of obstruction of justice. It won’t matter if the Southern District of New York finds campaign finance violations. It won’t matter if Trump’s inauguration committee took illegal payments or if the Trump Organization lied about its assets to Deutsche Bank. Many voters won’t care that Trump is a grifter if they believe Trump has made their own lives better. The Democratic challenge is to show that he hasn’t. Thanks to Mueller, Democrats are a better position to do just that. Time to let it go.