How much more does israel have to put up with arab terrorism & the palestinian myth?

Discussion in 'Politics' started by triggertrader, Oct 22, 2007.

how much longer does israel have to deal with arab terrorism and the palestinian myth

  1. no more. deport all jordanian refugees "palestinians" back to jordan

    18 vote(s)
    66.7%
  2. forever. maybe somehow peace can be acheived

    9 vote(s)
    33.3%
  1. they will never stop. the more arabs commit acts of terror the more they are appeased with promises of free land that is stolen away from jewish people. appeasing terrorists and murderers doesnt work. it has been tried before and has always failed. you can't defeat terrorists through appeasement. they have to be destroyed.
     
    #11     Oct 31, 2007
  2. 19 Oct. 07: Sharp rise in violence by Israeli settlers and security forces around the new settlement in Hebron

    In the seven months since the establishment of the new settlement in the a-Ras neighborhood of Hebron, West Bank, there has been a noticeable increase in attacks by settlers and Israeli security forces on the neighborhood's Palestinian residents .

    The findings of researchers from B'Tselem and the Association for Civil Rights in Israel , published today, (Friday, 19 October) list dozens of cases in which settlers attacked Palestinians in the area. Settler attacks include beatings, destruction of property, throwing of stones and eggs, hurling of refuse, urinating from the settlement building onto the street, and verbal abuse. These acts often take place in the presence of security forces, who fail to take sufficient action to stop the attacks and enforce the law. At times, they do nothing. This negligence is similar to that demonstrated by Israeli security forces' in handling settler attacks around the settlements in Hebron 's city center.

    Following establishment of the new settlement, Israel increased the presence of security forces in the area, which increased the abuse and violence by soldiers and Border Police officers against Palestinian residents. B'Tselem and ACRI have documented beatings, firing of blanks and threats of gunfire, property damage, blocking of passage, swearing, and racist comments by security forces. Although the army has contended that the establishment of the new settlement did not bring with it further restrictions on Palestinian movement, in fact Palestinians' movement in the neighborhood has been curtailed over the past seven months, and many are repeatedly delayed at a new checkpoint that was set up near the settlement. Also, the army now forbids Palestinians to use a nearby path.

    In other areas of Hebron where settlements have been established, comparable harm has forced many Palestinians to abandon their homes and businesses. ACRI and B'Tselem expressed their concern that in the case of the new settlement as well, many Palestinians will be left no choice but to abandon the neighborhood. The organizations made clear that Israel is obligated to immediately remove the settlers from the building, regardless of whether they purchased it or not .

    http://www.btselem.org/english/Press_Releases/20071019.asp
     
    #12     Oct 31, 2007
  3. For seven years, Israel has denied Palestinians freedom of movement to ease travel for Israelis in the West Bank


    Israel maintains 47 checkpoints and 455 physical obstructions inside the West Bank

    Palestinian travel on 312 kilometers of road is restricted or prohibited

    The Israeli human rights group B'Tselem is today (August 7) publishing Ground to a Halt , a comprehensive report on the restrictions Israel has imposed on Palestinian travel in the West Bank since the beginning of the second intifada. The 100-page report details how Israeli authorities have turned Palestinian freedom of movement from a fundamental human right into a privilege that Israel grants or withholds as it deems fit.

    The State of Israel has the right, even the duty, to protect its citizens. However, while some restrictions on movement were originally imposed in response to a specific security threat, today they primarily serve other objectives, among them the creation of a road network that is rapid, convenient and relatively "sterile" of Palestinians for the use of settlers and other Israelis traveling in the West Bank .

    Israel employs a combination of several measures to implement its regime of restrictions. These include 47 checkpoints inside the West Bank, 455 physical obstructions on roads, and the Separation Barrier, 80 percent of which lies inside the West Bank . On 312 kilometers of main roads in the West Bank , vehicles bearing Palestinian license plates are forbidden or restricted.

    Israel has imposed the restrictions in a way that splits the West Bank into six subsections. This geographic division has far-reaching effects on every aspect of Palestinian life. The restrictions impede access to medical services. The difficulty in getting to work, the constant lack of certainty, and the greater expenses resulting from the restrictions gravely affect the economy and trade in the West Bank . The restrictions impair family and social ties. Other negative ramifications include a decline in the supply of infrastructure services and in law enforcement in areas under the responsibility of the Palestinian Authority.

    A substantial proportion of the restrictions are intended to serve ulterior interests, rendering the restrictions illegal. Furthermore, even if all the restrictions were intended to achieve legitimate security interests, many of them would violate the principle of proportionality, and therefore be illegal. It is also clear that the restrictions result in what is effectively collective punishment.

    B'Tselem calls on the government of Israel and the defense authorities to remove all the permanent and sweeping restrictions on movement inside the West Bank and to concentrate along the Green Line or inside Israel the means used to protect Israelis. The settlement enterprise, which is directly related to denial of Palestinian freedom of movement in the West Bank, is illegal, so Israel must dismantle them. Until this process is completed, Israel must safeguard the lives of the settlers by means that restrict their freedom of movement and not that of the Palestinians.

    Executive summary, DOC
    Summary


    E-mail Update Photo Archive Video Maps

    http://www.btselem.org/English/Press_Releases/20070807.asp
     
    #13     Oct 31, 2007
  4. The "quiet transfer" in Hebron
    Palestinians forced to leave thousands of apartments and businesses in the City Center


    B'Tselem and The Association for Civil Rights in Israel (ACRI) are today presenting Knesset members with a report containing dramatic figures on the dispossession of Palestinian residents of the center of Hebron . The massive exit from the City Center resulted, as the report shows, from Israel 's policy of separation based on national-ethnic origin. The findings are based on the first comprehensive survey on occupancy of Palestinian dwellings and businesses near the settlement points in the city.

    The survey shows at least 1,014 Palestinian housing units, which represent 41.9 percent of the housing units in the area, lie vacant. Of these, 659 (65 percent) became vacant during the course of the second intifada. Regarding Palestinian commercial establishments, 1,829 (76.6 percent of all the business establishments in the area) are no longer open for business. Of the closed businesses, 1,141 (62.4 percent) were closed during the second intifada. At least 440 businesses were closed pursuant to military orders.

    The report paints a dismal picture: Israeli actions, which are based on a policy preferring the settlers' interests, have turned Hebron 's City Center into a ghost town. The principal factors responsible for the destruction of Palestinians' fabric of life in the City Center are severe restrictions on movement – which included prolonged periods of curfew at the beginning of the intifada and now include a total prohibition on Palestinian pedestrians and vehicles from using main streets in the city – closing of businesses by army order, and the failure of law-enforcement authorities to enforce the law on settlers who assault Palestinians and damage their property. The report also describes the routine violence and harassment by security forces and the extensive taking of Palestinian homes for army use.

    B'Tselem and ACRI urge the government of Israel to return the center of Hebron to its former condition, and allow Palestinians to move freely on the city's streets and to return to homes they were forced to leave. Also, the government must ensure that the security forces carry out their duties and enforce law and order on violent settlers, and prevent settlers from taking control of additional buildings and areas in the city.

    Full report, PDF
    Summary

    Hebron Stories

    Map of Hebron's center, 2007

    Testimony of Jalal al-Batsh
    Testimony of Fawzi Abu Armila
    Testimony of Jamila a-Shalalda


    E-mail Update Photo Archive Video Maps

    http://www.btselem.org/english/Press_Releases/20070514.asp
     
    #14     Oct 31, 2007
  5. Palestinian deaths rose in 2006

    About half of those killed by Israeli forces were not involved in hostilities
    Israeli security forces killed 660 Palestinians in 2006 - three times more than in 2005, according to an Israeli human rights group.
    B'Tselem, which monitors human rights in the occupied territories, said the figure included 141 children.

    At least 322 had taken no part in hostile acts, the group said.

    In the same period, the number of deadly Palestinian attacks on Israelis has fallen - 23 Israelis were killed in 2006 compared with 50 last year.

    The Israeli military renewed large scale ground operations in the Gaza Strip after militants captured an Israeli soldier in a cross border raid in June.

    Throughout the year, the Israeli military has used air strikes and shelling in an attempt to stop Palestinian militants firing rockets into Israel.

    Since June, Israeli troops have killed about 405 Palestinians in Gaza, including 88 children. More than half of the casualties were civilians, B'Tselem said.

    As of November, 9,075 Palestinians were being held in Israeli jails. This number included 345 minors, it said.

    Of these, 738 (22 minors) were being detained without trial and without knowing the charges against them, the group said.

    http://news.bbc.co.uk/2/hi/middle_east/6215769.stm


    But to be honest...It is not at all the israeli fault! As my friend dddooo explained to me in an earlier post, it is purly our fault for not investing our extra cash, which is collecting dust in our swiss bank accounts, in building bomb shelters.

    :p
     
    #15     Oct 31, 2007
  6. 2004-02-27
    Gaza Withdrawal Rewards Terrorism
    by Morton A. Klein

    Should Israel withdraw from Gaza, as some are proposing?

    First, consider the impact of a Gaza withdrawal on the international war against terrorism. After three years of nonstop Palestinian Arab terrorism, in which nearly 1,000 Israelis — and 41 Americans — have been murdered, to unconditionally give Gaza to the Palestinian Arabs and expel the 8,000 Jewish residents would be to reward the terrorists.

    It would also encourage more terrorism by demonstrating that additional violence may bring about additional Israeli concessions. An Israeli withdrawal would whet the appetites of terrorists everywhere. Correctly viewing an Israeli retreat as surrender and appeasement, terrorists in the Middle East and beyond would be strengthened and emboldened by their feeling of victory.

    Second, consider the implications for Israeli security. After the Six-Day War, the U.S. joint chiefs of staff prepared an analysis — without regard for political considerations — of which territories Israel needed to keep to defend itself. The joint chiefs strongly recommended that Israel keep Gaza: "By occupying the Gaza Strip, Israel would trade approximately 45 miles of hostile border for eight. Configured as it is, the strip serves as a salient for introduction of Arab subversion and terrorism, and its retention would be to Israel’s military advantage."

    No wonder. Throughout history, foreign armies have used Gaza as a springboard for invading the Land of Israel, from Pharoah Sethos I in the 13th century B.C.E. to Napoleon in 1799. In 1948, Egypt used Gaza as its route to invade the newborn State of Israel.

    Third, consider what would happen in Gaza if Israel withdraws. The Palestinian Authority regime currently administers parts of Gaza but does not have sovereignty, because of the presence of Israeli soldiers and citizens. The Palestinian Authority does not have a full-fledged army and does not control the borders or sea access to Gaza.

    If Israel withdraws from the area, the PA will be able to establish a sovereign state. It will become much, much harder for Israel to prevent the continual smuggling of weapons from Egypt to Gaza or the arrival of boatloads of weapons via the Mediterranean Sea.

    No wonder Israeli military experts are warning about these dangers. Israel Radio reported that army officials want a withdrawal to be "conditional on the Palestinians not being able to operate a seaport or airport from Gaza."

    Maj. Gen. Aharon Zeevi Farkash, chief of Israeli military intelligence, told the Knesset Foreign Affairs and Defense Committee Feb. 10 that a unilateral withdrawal from Gaza "will be seen as surrender to terrorism" and "might motivate further terrorism."

    And Shlomo Gazit, former chief of Israeli military intelligence, recently wrote: "Our exit from Gaza will transform it into a big armed camp, into which weapons of all kinds will stream via land, sea and maybe even air. It will also become an arsenal for independent development and production of arms. Moreover, this capitulation will be rightly viewed as an unambivalent victory for the Palestinian armed struggle."

    A Gaza state would certainly be a terrorist state, to judge by how the Palestinian Authority has promoted and glorified terrorists until now. It has not disarmed or outlawed terrorist groups. It has not shut down their bomb factories. It has not closed down the terrorists’ training camps. It has rewarded terrorists with jobs in the P.A. police force.

    In short, the Palestinian Authority has actively collaborated with and sheltered the terrorists. Moreover, the Palestinian Authority has sponsored thousands of terrorist attacks against Israel.

    The Palestinian Authority has also created an entire culture of glorification of terrorism and anti-Jewish hatred in its official media, schools, summer camps, sermons by PA-appointed clergy and speeches by PA representatives.

    Establishing a state in Gaza would not satisfy the Palestinian Arabs’ goals. It would be a springboard for terrorism and invasions aimed at destroying the Jewish state.

    The Palestinian Authority makes no secret of its goal. The official maps on PA letterheads, in PA school books and atlases and even on the patch worn on the uniforms of PA policemen show all of Israel — not just the disputed territories — labeled "Palestine."

    But the issue is not just security. It’s also a matter of Jewish rights to the Land of Israel. It is not well-known, but Gaza has been a part of the Land of Israel since biblical times and is described as such in, for example, Genesis 15, Joshua 15:47 and Judges 1:18. In Kings, it is included in the areas ruled by King Solomon.

    The area came under foreign occupation during some periods, but the Jewish king Yochanan, brother of Judah the Maccabee, recaptured Gaza in 145 C.E. and sent Jews to rebuild the community there. Throughout the centuries, there was a large Jewish presence in Gaza — in fact, it was the largest Jewish community in the country at the time of the Muslim invasion in the seventh century C.E.

    The Jews of Gaza were forced to leave the area when Napoleon’s army marched through in 1799, but they later returned. The Jewish community in Gaza was destroyed during the British bombardment in 1917 but again was rebuilt.

    When Palestinian Arabs threatened to slaughter the Jews of Gaza during the 1929 pogroms, the British ruling authorities forced the Jews to leave. But in 1946, the Jews returned, establishing the town of Kfar Darom in the Gaza Strip, which lasted until 1948, when Egypt occupied the area. After the 1967 war, Jews were finally able to return to Gaza and rebuild communities there.

    The Palestinian Authority’s demand that all Jews be expelled from Gaza is an ugly demand for ethnic cleansing. And ethnic cleansing in Gaza is just as bad as the ethnic cleansing in the Balkans that the international community, and world Jewry, so strongly and appropriately protested. It is a racist and immoral notion to say that while 1 million Arabs live within Israel, not one Jew can live in Gaza.

    An Israeli withdrawal from Gaza will reward terrorism, thereby undermining America’s war against terrorism. It will pave the way the for creation of a dangerous Palestinian Arab state that will further endanger Israel, and it will establish a precedent for the mass expulsion of Jews from their homes for no other reason than that they are Jews.

    This is a mistaken policy that will not make things better but will only make things worse.

    This article was written only months before the massacre (gaza withdrawal) took place.
    every prediction of arab terror against israel has never been wrong. how many times does this have to happen for israel to learn its lesson? how much more jewish blood has to be spilled to appease these jordanian refugee terrorists a.k.a "palestinians" before israel gives up?
     
    #16     Oct 31, 2007
  7. Saudi Officials Seek to Temper the Price of Oil
    Jad Mouawad
    Published: January 28, 2007

    Saudi Arabia, which benefited immensely from record oil prices last year, has sent signals in the past two weeks that it is committed to keeping oil at around $50 a barrel -- down $27 a barrel from the summer peak that shook consumers across the developed world.


    The indications came in typically cryptic fashion for the oil-rich kingdom. In Tokyo last week, Ali al-Naimi, the Saudi oil minister, said Saudi Arabia’s policy was to maintain “moderate prices.” The previous week, on a stop in New Delhi, he effectively put his veto on an emergency meeting of the Organization of the Petroleum Exporting Countries to prop up prices after oil briefly dropped below $50 a barrel, the lowest level in nearly two years.

    The events that propelled oil prices above $77 a barrel last July, then dragged them down again, were beyond the control of any single producer. Still, Saudi Arabia, which is by far the largest oil producer within OPEC and sets the cartel’s agenda, is seeking to avoid a repeat of the dramatic rise in prices while trying to put a floor beneath them.

    Nowhere was last summer’s spike in oil prices felt more profoundly than in the United States. As gasoline rose above $3 a gallon, consumers cut their spending elsewhere, tamping down profits in retail, travel and other industries. United States automakers were devastated as consumers fled from large vehicles to smaller ones, which have historically been the specialty of the Japanese; on Thursday, Ford said that 2006 had been the worst year in its history.

    The recent slide back to $50 a barrel for oil -- which translates to about $2 for a gallon of gasoline -- has eased the pressure on the domestic economy, quieting talk that oil prices and the declining housing market would lead to a recession.

    The Saudis appear to be rediscovering that painfully high energy prices take a profound toll on the global economy, which in turn reduces demand for their oil. But other motives seem to be at work, too, including the Saudis’ desire to restrain Iran’s ambitions in the region.

    How much influence the United States has exerted is an open question. Vice President Dick Cheney met with King Abdullah of Saudi Arabia in Riyadh in November, but his office would not say if oil was discussed. The White House has been supportive of Saudi energy policy, and President Bush and his father are close with Prince Bandar bin Sultan, the Saudi national security minister and former ambassador to Washington.

    Although Saudi officials say their oil policy is based on market considerations and not political ones, the meeting in November led to renewed speculation that the kingdom might be tempted to dry out Iran’s ambitions by pushing oil prices down. Prices have already been falling because of mild weather and slowing demand.

    Prices at $50 to $55 a barrel are just about right for the Saudis, according to Saudi energy officials -- not too high to hurt the global economy, not too low to hurt their own economy. Last year’s record highs meant that the growth in global oil demand slowed to 1 percent in 2006, compared with a 4 percent increase at its peak in 2004.

    But 2006 was not the first reminder for the Saudis that too-high prices can backfire. The oil shocks of the 1970s and 1980s also set off a scramble for gas-sipping cars and a brief push to wean the West from its oil dependency. In recent months, the higher prices have rekindled America’s quest for alternatives and propelled energy security to the top of the agenda in the United States and Europe.

    Even President Bush, who began his presidency emphasizing the need to increase domestic oil production rather than cutting consumption, called for a reduction in gasoline use over the next decade in last week’s State of the Union address.

    High prices have also emboldened rivals within OPEC, among them Iran and Venezuela, which have used their oil revenue to prop up their governments and export their more radical agendas. Saudi Arabia has worked cooperatively with Iran since the late 1990s, when oil producers were panicked by the decline of prices to around $10 a barrel. More recently, Iran has favored rising prices over the moderation that Saudi Arabia seeks. Venezuela also tends to favor higher prices but wields less political influence in the cartel.

    “High prices are not in the interest of Saudi Arabia,” said Sadek Boussena, a former OPEC president from Algeria. “We’ve all seen what $70 does: it attracts alternatives, it reduces demand. On the other hand, I don’t think the Saudis want oil below $50. They need the revenue.”

    The Bush administration has repeatedly acknowledged Saudi Arabia’s efforts in trying to moderate prices. “Buyers and sellers have a common interest in maintaining reasonable prices for oil,” Samuel Bodman, the energy secretary, said in October.

    There is no set formula for setting oil prices. In the 1980s, the market settled on around $18 a barrel as a fair price. In the 1990s, it was ratcheted up to $22 to $25 a barrel. Recently, oil producers have realized they can charge twice that amount, although consuming nations complain that the price is too high.

    Mr. Naimi, the Saudi oil minister, borrowing the manner of a careful central banker, is rarely explicit about his plans. His every word is dissected by legions of analysts for the slightest hint of an inflection in policy.

    Sometimes, the uncertainty gives rise to more conspiratorial theories. Oil traders have been buzzing in recent weeks about whether Saudi Arabia was seeking to depress oil markets in hopes of crippling Iran’s economy, as a Saudi analyst -- albeit not one from the government -- suggested late last year in an opinion article in The Washington Post. The Saudis quickly dismissed the claim, but given the tensions in the Middle East, oil and politics remain closely linked.

    “It is difficult to work out what the Saudis really want, since they never say things explicitly,” said Leo Drollas, the chief economist at the Center for Global Energy Studies, a London-based research group founded by Sheik Ahmed Zaki Yamani, a former Saudi oil minister. Sometimes, he said, “you have to read between the lines.”

    The Saudi government does not disclose what oil price it uses when it builds its budget, but analysts at Samba Financial Group, a bank in Saudi Arabia, say they believe the price is $42 a barrel for 2007, with oil production at about 9 million barrels a day. With oil averaging $66 a barrel last year, the kingdom recorded a budget surplus of nearly $71 billion, Samba said, five times more than in 2005.

    Saudi officials repeatedly point out that they do not set the price of oil on international commodity markets — they point the finger at hedge funds and other speculative traders for the heightened volatility in recent years. Nor, they say, do they run their oil industry with political considerations in mind.

    Mr. Naimi has led the ascent of oil prices since 2000 and managed his various partners within OPEC toward better discipline within the cartel. Last fall, under Saudi stewardship, OPEC members twice agreed to cut their output to prevent prices from falling too steeply.

    More than any specific target, the Saudis have always sought stability in oil prices. But stability may prove just as elusive this year as it did last year, given how vulnerable global oil supplies remain to the vagaries of the weather as well as political turmoil in the Middle East and Africa.

    Although OPEC’s 12 members decide by unanimous votes whether to increase oil production -- which lowers prices by making supply more plentiful -- consumer pressures ultimately hold sway, and an extremely cold winter followed by a very hot summer could override whatever price goals the Saudis have set.

    Not everyone is reading the Saudis’ recent public signals -- scant as they are -- in the same way. “The Saudi policy has not changed,” said Roger Diwan, an energy analyst at PFC Energy. The Saudis, he said, have “led the way in managing the market. They showed leadership in OPEC.”

    But Amy Myers Jaffe, the associate director of Rice University’s energy program, said she thought that Saudi policy had shifted, backing away from a defense of higher prices.

    “The debate in Saudi Arabia is about what is the right strategy, where demand is headed, and what is the right amount of investments,” she said. “And that’s a very tough question.”

    "With oil averaging $66 a barrel last year, the kingdom recorded a budget surplus of nearly $71 billion, Samba said, five times more than in 2005"

    these muslim sheiks are making more money than anyone in the world. they are the richest people in the world. why can't they help their "poor and destitute" jordanian refugees in israel "palestinians"? they made 100's of billions of dollars and israel the size of new jersey lives off a couple of billion in aid and falafel exports and they have to worry about the illegal squatting jordanian refugees.
    does someone have a pair of boots? this shit is getting thick.
     
    #17     Nov 4, 2007
  8. maxpi

    maxpi

    I heard an old timey preacher on a shortwave station the other day. His comment on the "roadmap for peace" was funny.. "Bush doesn't have a roadmap he has a puzzle".

    The whole thing is a put up job and it will get much uglier. Watch for the US military to do what they do best, screw things up then vacate the premises, then more governments in the ME can destabilize and be taken out by terrorists who eventually will all march down towards Israel. It's spelled out in Ezekial.. the odd thing is that the army invading Israel has a lot of horses and wooden weapons... I'd say first there will be an economic meltdown, if not worldwide at least in the region...
     
    #18     Nov 4, 2007



  9. A shortwave station? You know, i always wanted to get into that, an amazing, and in this day and age, overlooked technology.

    I shall have to read Ezekial, sounds like some whack shit, quite frankly.
    Either already happened, or occuring in some post-apocalyptic thing-or, written by drugged out stoners, as was common at the time, and since.

    And just for fun, one of the great muslim holy warriors, and his deeds.


    http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Timur
     
    #19     Nov 5, 2007
  10. By SHEERA CLAIRE FRENKEL
    Jerusalem Post

    The Palestinian terrorists suspected of plotting to attack Prime Minister Ehud Olmert's convoy earlier this year are being investigated as part of a promise by Palestinian Prime Minister Salaam Fayad Sunday to "draw lessons" from the incident.

    Olmert and Abbas during their meeting in Jericho. The meeting was postponed several times due to Israeli concerns for the prime minister's safety.


    "We are studying the incident and plan to do our best in order to restore the order in the region. We will draw all our lessons from the incident," Fayad said during a meeting with Knesset Speaker Dalia Itzik in Jerusalem.

    During that meeting, Fayad said that the suspected terrorists had been questioned and then released due to lack of evidence. They were then arrested again over the weekend.

    "There was nothing imminently dangerous," said Fayad. "We are trying the very best we can to bring law and order to the cities, villages and areas that are under our control," said Fayad.
    RELATED

    * Analysis: Why is plan to kill PM being revealed now?
    * Palestinian Affairs: Between anvils & hammers
    * Abbas: I'll resign if Annapolis fails
    * Olmert assassination plot strains Israel-PA relations

    The meeting between Fayad and Itzik took place under intense scrutiny, especially after Israeli security officials recommended that they move the meeting to Jerusalem instead of its original location in Jericho.

    "There are elements who are trying to sabotage the diplomatic process. This is not something new. We believe that the Palestinian prime minister and [Palestinian President Mahmoud Abbas] join a group of moderates in the PA who wish to advance a peace process with the State of Israel," said Itzik. "The prime minister himself decided to continue with the talks. We must not halt the talks due to the incident, although I view it as extremely severe, and I imagine that the State of Israel will demand an explanation."

    Knesset Speaker Dalia Itzik meets PA Prime Minister Salaam Fayad at the King David Hotel in Jerusalem.
    Photo: Ariel Jerozolimski

    While Itzik kept her meeting with Fayad, Deputy Defense Minister Ami Ayalon (Labor) said that he would cancel his scheduled meeting with PA Prisoners' Affairs Minister Ashraf Al-Ajrami to protest the PA's conduct.

    Meanwhile, members of the right-wing parties used the report to put further pressure on Olmert to cancel the upcoming peace summit in Annapolis.

    "Olmert must immediately halt his contacts with Abu Mazen [Abbas] and announce the cancellation of the summit as long as Abu Mazen continues to provide cover for terrorists," said MK Zevulun Orlev (NU- NRP). His party colleague MK Arye Eldad added that Olmert should visit a synagogue and recite the special prayer for those who have been saved from great danger.

    "Olmert must recite the traditional blessing, for having been saved from an assassination. Abu Mazen should recite a blessing for having a partner like Olmert, because anyone else would have cut off negotiations long ago, and the State of Israel should say a blessing for getting rid of Olmert," said Eldad.

    MKs from the coalition also called on Olmert to reconsider the summit.

    "We have received more proof that the Annapolis conference should be turned into an economic conference. With such a temporary feeling of security we cannot make advances on the diplomatic channel," read a statement from the Shas Party.

    "A thousand workplaces are worth more than a thousand guns. Workplaces will create security, compared to guns which will stress the lack of security."

    MK Ze'ev Elkin (Kadima) urged the prime minister to "freeze all talks on gestures to Abu Mazen until the members of the cell are taken back into custody and tried."

    Internal Security Minister Avi Dichter said that the incident was a "classic example of the Palestinian Authority's 'so-called' policy of fighting terror."




    The assasination of Rabin prevented chaos in which could have sparked a war from jewish people refusing to hand their homes and land over to terrorists jordanian thugs. Olmert being more of a Hellenists trouble maker than rabin was, could be planning a lot worse for israel and the jews.
    hmmmm, i wonder whos side the arabs are on, on this one?
     
    #20     Nov 6, 2007