The consequences and subsequent battle regarding harvesting mail-in ballots down in the hood is one thing the Brit odds-makers have not yet considered. Rest assured... Lewendowski has.
As I said five or six weeks ago: "The dems best hope is with this mail-in ballot scam where they can do as Obama and Soros did which was to hire an army of ACORN workers to hand out free cigarettes or something if they return their ballot. Or you can go with the plan that Los Angeles had - not sure it was implemented - where the mayor wanted to run a scam where you could register for a free big screen TV (none of this little shiite, mind you) if you voted."
Didn't need mail in voting when Dems won by 10 million votes in 2018 or winning Governers races in LA and KY 6 months ago
That is not the only way Democrats cheat. Watch out for dead people and illegals in the voting rolls. Multiple cities across the US have more registered voters than actual number of residents so, you know there is massive fraud out there. Republicans and Judicial Watch has been trying to clean the voting rolls which is necessary to remove more chances to cheat for the Democrats. Then, you have voting machines changing your vote to the Democrat candidate. I saw a video of it so, those voting machines can be rigged as well. There should be a paper trail to preclude that.
Biden Unveils Vote-By-Telegram Proposal https://babylonbee.com/news/biden-unveils-vote-by-telegram-proposal
https://www.cnn.com/2020/05/17/politics/state-polls-2020-analysis/index.html State polls suggest Biden has a clear national lead Analysis by Harry Enten, CNN Updated 6:17 AM ET, Mon May 18, 2020 (CNN)Poll of the week: A new Marquette Law School poll finds former Vice President Joe Biden with a 46% to 43% lead over President Donald Trump in Wisconsin. The poll matches the last poll from Marquette, which also had Biden up by 3 points in Wisconsin. What's the point: One of the big questions when we look at national polls is whether or not they're an accurate representation of what is going on at the state level. One of the easiest ways to check is to compare state poll results to the past presidential vote in a given state. I did so for all telephone polls that called cell phones since the beginning of April. When we average out these state polls, they suggest that Biden's running about 6 points ahead of Hillary Clinton's final margin. In other words, the state level polls suggest that Biden has a national lead of around 8 points. That's actually a little greater than the 6.6 points Biden has in the high quality national polling average taken during the same period. I should note that if we weight the average of state polls to each state's population, we get a margin just north of that 6.6 point mark. (Weighting by population leaves us somewhat more susceptible to outlier polls, as we have fewer polls from the most populated states.) EIther way, all methods agree that Biden has a fairly sizable national advantage. Examining the state polls has the advantage of having a lot more data points to play with, so I feel fairly secure that they're giving us a decent snapshot. We're looking at more than 20 polls and more than 15,000 interviews. The aggregate margin of error is small. Additionally, we can look at states we expect to be at least somewhat competitive (i.e. those where the margin was within 10 points last time) and those that we don't think will be close in 2020. In the competitive states (where most of the state polling has been conducted), there has been an average swing of 6 points toward Biden compared to Clinton's 2016 result. The same is true in the non-competitive states. At least from this state level data, it does not seem that either candidate is running up the score disproportionately in areas that were already friendly to him. Biden has posted leads of greater than 5 points in places like Michigan and Pennsylvania. He is ahead in more than enough states to capture 270 electoral votes, if the election were held today. We can test our data, too, to see what would happen if the polls are underestimating Trump like they did in 2016. What I found was Biden would still be ahead, even with a 2016 sized mishap. The polls underestimated Trump by 1 point (RealClearPolitics) or 2 points (FiveThirtyEight) in the aggregate of the states we currently have polling from. Applying that 2016 bias to our current data, Biden would have a 6- to 7-point lead nationally. Concentrating on just the competitive states, the polls undersold Trump by 2 points (RealClearPolitics) or 3 points (FiveThirtyEight). If the polls in the competitive states were off by as much as they were at the end in 2016, Biden would still be ahead in states like Florida, Michigan and Pennsylvania. Of course, it may not be wise to expect a 2016-sized polling era in 2020. The polls in these states that had major statewide contests in 2018 were pretty much unbiased. No matter what set of states (all or just competitive) and which aggregate, the polls were not more favorable to Republicans than the final result. In a state like Wisconsin, the final 2018 Marquette poll nailed the final Senate margin and underestimated the Democratic candidate for governor's margin by 1 point. The bottom line is Biden's ahead right now nationally and in the competitive states. The good news for Trump is he has about six months to change the course of the campaign, which is more than enough time to do so.
https://www.usatoday.com/story/news...-bernie-sanders-voters-beat-trump/5182446002/ Bernie Sanders supporters reluctantly turn to Joe Biden, fueled by their dislike of President Trump Ledyard King USA TODAY Chad Johansen voted first for Bernie Sanders in 2016 and later that year for Donald Trump, drawn to both of the presidential candidates’ populist, anti-establishment messages. He backed Sanders again during the New Hampshire primary three months ago. But the phone repair shop owner won’t be casting a ballot for Trump again this November. The president’s promise to improve health care and the economy for small businesses have yet to materialize, Johansen said. And the coronavirus crisis hasn’t helped his view of Trump. “Everything in the West Wing is just craziness,” he said, referring to the White House. “The way he acts. The handling of the pandemic. It’s just ridiculous. The way people on the front lines are having to handle this themselves. He isn’t following the facts and isn’t listening to anyone but his genius self.” While Trump is once again expected to attract some Americans who voted for Sanders in the primary and then helped him win crucial battleground states such as Michigan, Pennsylvania and Wisconsin in 2016, polls, analysts and interviews with nearly a dozen Sanders voters suggest he won’t be as successful this time when he faces presumptive Democratic nominee Joe Biden. Four years ago, Johansen and tens of thousands of fellow Sanders voters – about 1 in 8 – pivoted from the self-described socialist Democrat during the presidential primary and cast a ballot in the general election for a billionaire Republican who championed capitalist ideals. They liked Trump’s call for a rebirth in American manufacturing, his willingness to confront unfair trade practices by other countries, his blunt takedown of Washington’s power structure – themes Sanders pounded as well. And they didn’t particularly care for Hillary Clinton, the Democratic nominee. Sanders dropped out of the race in April, conceding the nomination to Biden and endorsing the former vice president. A Suffolk University/USA TODAY survey last month of 638 voters who backed Sanders in primaries or caucuses this year found that 4% plan to vote for Trump – down from the 12% who voted for Trump over Clinton, according to a 2017 Cooperative Congressional Election study. The Suffolk poll has a margin of error of plus or minus 4 percentage points. Brian Schaffner, a Tufts University political science professor who helped manage the 2017 study, expects to see fewer Sanders-Trump voters this time around. Four years ago, Sanders-Trump voters included conservative Democrats already moving to the GOP and die-hards who wanted a populist to win, he said. It also included progressives who thought Trump would be defeated and couldn't bear to vote for Clinton, so casting a protest vote didn’t seem like a big deal, he said. “Primary among most (2020) voters on the left is making sure Trump loses,” Schaffner said. “So most of Bernie’s supporters are going to support the Democratic nominee because the alternative is just something no one on that side of the aisle wants to live with for another four years.” The 'shoulder shrug candidate' Several Sanders voters who spoke to USA TODAY said they view Biden much as they viewed Clinton: an establishment candidate backed by the very corporate interests they see as obstacles to progress. “We need good health care. We need good education. He's not going to make that possible,” said Alana Jones, 30, a freelance writer from Marshall, Missouri. “He’s not got an honest bone in his body." And yet, Jones said, she’ll hold her nose and vote for the former vice president just as she did for Clinton because “obviously, Trump is so much worse.” That lack of enthusiasm could cost Biden in the long run, said David Paleologos, director of the Suffolk University Political Research Center in Boston that conducted the recent survey of Sanders voters. Paleologos calls Biden “a shoulder shrug candidate” among Sanders supporters, since 3 in 5 Sanders voters surveyed said they were not excited by his nomination. “When you get closer to Election Day, you need bodies, you need a ground game, whether it’s real or virtual, of course you need donations, but you need a network that’s fueled by the candidate’s appeal,” he said. “And if 60% of Sanders’ (supporters) said they’re not enthused about him running – even though they’re voting for him – that’s not a solid base to build upon.” Sanders voters generally can be split into two camps: those who said defeating Trump in November is paramount and those who said pushing policy proposals is the top priority. Biden does well among the first group, with 94% saying they'll vote for the former vice president in November, according to the Suffolk poll. But among those who said policy positions are more important, only 55% said they're backing Biden. The rest are divided with 7% voting for Trump, 20% voting for a third-party candidate, 5% skipping the election and 13% undecided. Chester Potash, 86, voted for Trump four years ago and he plans to do so again in November. He calls Biden "arrogant and a liar." And, drawing a favorable comparison to Sanders, for whom he voted twice in primaries, he likes the president's willingness to take on congressional leaders like House Speaker Nancy Pelosi, D-Calif., whom he views as entrenched and corrupt. "I think Congress should be more like the people. They live in a different world. They have their own standards," the retired engineer from Pittsfield, Massachusetts, said. "They can live the life of luxury when they retire. ... That isn’t right.” More:Bernie Sanders says it's 'very unlikely' that he will run for president again Ryan Clancy, 27, won't be voting for Trump. But he's thinking about sitting out the election and not voting for Biden either. “I’m having trouble stomaching the thought of voting for Joe Biden, as I think many people are," said the engineer from Baltimore who voted for Sanders in 2016 and plans to vote for him again in Maryland's June 2 primary even though Sanders is no longer in the race. Sanders "stood for something, where Biden sort of seems to stand for a lot of things that Hillary did, which obviously didn’t work against Trump," Clancy said. "And it doesn’t seem like it’ll go any different.” Sanders' endorsement may be important for Biden Sanders made his support for Biden clear and swift, unlike four years ago when his endorsement of Clinton was viewed as late and tepid. The Vermont senator has repeatedly called Trump "the most dangerous president" in modern American history and exhorted supporters to get behind Biden, his politically moderate rival. In turn, Biden has moved a bit to the left. He now says public colleges and universities should be free for all lower-income and middle class families because of the coronavirus pandemic, though he continues to oppose "Medicare for All," one of Sanders' signature campaign issues. "I think people are going to be surprised. We are apart on some issues, but we are awfully close on others," Biden told Sanders during a joint live-streamed appearance five days after Sanders suspended his campaign in April. "I'm going to need you. Not just to win the campaign but to govern." Sanders' endorsement could sway some reluctant supporters to get behind the former vice president, Paleologos said. Among those in the Suffolk poll who knew about Sanders’ endorsement of Biden, 80% were voting for Biden, he said. Among those who didn’t, only 63% said they would vote for the former vice president. Sanders "needs to make a personal appeal to those voters and/or Biden needs to demonstrate to Sanders voters how important Sanders is to his administration," Paleologos said. "And that might be saying to Sanders voters, ‘When I’m elected, Sanders will be (in the Cabinet).' Because the balance of the Sanders voters who are not with Biden need something to be enthusiastic about.” Biden could also make some headway by choosing a running mate who appeals to progressive voters. It won't be Sanders, because Biden has pledged to pick a woman for the ticket. Clancy, the Maryland engineer, said he'd be likelier to vote for Biden if he chose former presidential candidate Elizabeth Warren, the Massachusetts Democratic senator and liberal champion who vied with Sanders for the progressive vote during the campaign. Almost every Sanders voter USA TODAY talked to spoke glowingly of former President Barack Obama. But those warm feelings do not extend to Biden, whom the former president has warmly endorsed. Roberto Gonzalez, 50, volunteered in the Obama campaign in 2012. But he voted for Green Party nominee Jill Stein in 2016 because he didn't like Clinton's policies. And he plans to vote for Trump in November because he doesn't believe Biden is the change agent the country needs right now. “I don’t want somebody who has been already 30 years there and not doing the right thing," said Gonzalez, the owner of a small trucking firm in Anaheim, California. So why support Trump? Cellar dweller:Biden in the basement: Can campaigning from home work as Trump starts to travel? He's unhappy with the Democrats for what he sees as a conspiracy to deny Sanders the nomination – a sentiment shared among many Sanders voters. He's also critical of Trump for "talking too much" but believes the president has been good for the economy. "Donald Trump is a businessman. He’s very smart," Gonzalez said. "Sometimes everybody makes mistakes and he gets in trouble. I’m looking at the good things, what he’s doing for the country." More likable than Hillary Clinton Schaffner, the Tufts University professor, said Biden probably has a better chance to win over Sanders voters Clinton couldn't because he's generally seen as more likable than she was as a candidate. “2016 was a unique election in that you had the two most disliked nominees ever running against each other," the Tufts professor said. "I think people aren’t going to dislike Biden probably quite as much as they did Clinton, so it’s possible there are some moderates in that group who will be OK voting for Biden." Christopher McGarry, 35, a computer salesman from Swanzey, N.H., said he voted for both Sanders and Trump in 2016 because he “really, really, disliked” Clinton. He voted for Sanders three months ago in New Hampshire's primary and plans to vote for Trump again in November. The reason? He believes Biden is not fit for office because of his age and verbal gaffes. "I wish they would give me a better option," McGarry said. "Biden would have been a better option 15 years ago.” Sanders supporter Keith Boos, 28, has similar concerns about Biden but concedes he's probably more genuine and a slight upgrade over Clinton, whom he ultimately supported four years ago. "She was an establishment candidate and I think Biden is too," the production designer from Los Angeles said. "But I think the team behind Biden has to have learned a lot from 2016. And I think he’ll learn not to discredit those Bernie voters," he said. "He seems to have less baggage. But he’s not without his baggage. So I’m not worlds happier.” So what does he like about Biden? "I like that he’s not Donald Trump," Boos said. "I like that a lot.”